LITERATURE REVIEW

LITERATURE REVIEW
2.0 Introduction
In this chapter we shall consider some theories dealing with the subject Pidgin, and also various literature pertaining to pidgin, as these literature will fall into either of the following groups:
Works which support the use of Pidgin
Works which do not support the use of Pidgin
Works which neither support nor condemn the use of pidgin.
The review will be done from different perspectives theoretically, as the research would also look at: Etymology of pidgin, what Creole is, distinction between Creole and Pidgin, Nigerian Pidgin, what is broadcasting, forms and radio as a broadcast tool.

2.1 Theoretical Review

There are several theories surrounding the concept of pidgin. Several schools of thought have held different views concerning the exact origin of pidgin.

2.1.1 The baby-talk theory 

At the end of the 19th century, Charles Leland, when discussing China coast Pidgin noted that there were similarities with the speech of children such as the following features:
High percentage of content words with a correspondingly low number of function words.
Little morphological marking
Word classes more flexible than in adult language (free conversation).
Contrasts in the pronouns greatly reduced.
Number of inflection minimized.
Later, linguists, notably Jespersen and Bloomfield, maintained that the characteristics of pidgin result from imperfect mastery of a language which in its initial stage leads to a superficial knowledge of the most indispensable word, with total disregard of grammar (Jespersen 1992:p234).  The evaluative nature of such views would be rejected by linguists today.
Independent Parallel Development Theory
This view maintains that the obvious similarities between the world’s pidgins and creoles arose on independent but parallel lines due to the fact that they all are derived from languages of Indo-European stock, and, in the case of the Atlantic varieties, due to their sharing a common West African substratum. Furthermore, a scholar like Robert Hall specifies that the similar social and physical conditions under which pidgins arose were responsible for the development of similar linguistic structures.
2.1.3 Uses and Gratification theory

The research hinges the uses and gratification theory of the media. Uses and gratification theory of the mass media according to McQuail (2005), “the idea that media use depends on the perceived satisfactions, needs, wishes or motives of prospective audience is almost as old as media research itself” (p.423).
McQuail (2005) noted that audiences for particular media and kinds of media can be typified according to motivational types’ such as: the need for information, relaxation, companionship and diversion or ‘escape’. This way of thinking belongs to a research school and became known as the “uses and gratification approach”, the origin of which lie in the research for explanation of the great appeal of certain media contents. The uses and gratification approach was borne out of the question; why do people use that media, and what do they use them for.
Dominick (1990) cited in Ndimele and Innocent (2006), noted that the uses and gratification theory states that audience members have certain needs or drives that are satisfied by using both media and non-media sources (p.288). The actual needs satisfied by the mass media are called gratifications. According to McQuail (2005), the basic assumptions of the theory are:
Media and content choice is generally rational and directed towards certain specific goals and satisfactions.
Audience members are conscious of the media related needs which arise in personal (individual) and social (shared circumstances and can voice these in terms of motivation).
Personal utility is a more significant determinant of audience formation than aesthetics or cultural factors.
All or most of the relevant factors for audience formation (motives, media choices, and background variables) can be measured.
Uses and gratification involves four main ways that people make use of the media:
Diversion: Escape from routine or problem; emotional release.
Personal relationship: Companionship, social utility.
Personal identity: Self-reference; reality exploration; value reinforcement.
McQuail (2005) also identified the following ways through which media gratification can be sought. They include:
Information and education
Guidance and advice
Social contact
Value reinforcement
Cultural satisfaction
Emotional release

2.2 Conceptual Review

2.2.1 Brief History of radio broadcasting in Nigeria

Radio broadcasting was introduced into Nigeria in 1933 by the then colonial government. It required the over sea’s service of the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) through wired system with loudspeakers at the listening end. The service was called Radio Diffusion System (RDS) from the RDS emerged the Nigeria Broadcasting Service (NBS) in April 1951 Mr. T. W. Chalmers, a Briton and controller of BBC light entertainment program was the first director general of the NBS.
The Nigeria Broadcasting Corporation, NBC came into being in April 1957 through an Act of parliament (no. 39 of 1956 the DG was Mr. J. A. Cknett OBE. In 1973, the NBC was re-organised to become the Federal Radio corporation of Nigeria (FRCN). The NBC was instructed to handover its station that broadcast on medium wave frequencies in the State Government and it took over the short wave transmitter from the state. The broadcast transmission of Northern Nigeria was emerge (BCNN) with the NBC stations in Lagos, Ibadan, and Enugu to become the present day FRCN. The Rev. Victor Badejo was the first indigenous DG of Radio Nigeria.
Today, the FRCN as a public service broadcaster with its headquarters in Abuja has National Stations in Enugu, Ibadan, Kaduna and Gwagwalada FCT.
These national stations and Lagos operations office controls all the 37 FRCN FM/MW/SW stations spread across the country reaching more than 100 million listeners broadcasting in 15 languages.
2.2.2 Attitudes towards Nigerian pidgin in Port Harcourt
Attitudes towards language or language behaviour implicate social meanings relative to social norms in a given speech community. As demonstrated in the literature, language attitude study is not only a way of understanding how language is used, for example, as a symbol of identity or in-group membership, it also helps to illuminate the social importance of a given code or language. Attitudinal studies of language maintenance and shift, which are apparently influenced by whether the change or maintenance is favoured or disfavoured by members of the change or maintenance is favoured or disfavoured by members of the speech community (Mann 1993; 1998).
In Nigeria, Nigerian Pidgin English (NPE) used to be seen generally as the code of the non-literate as well as the code of the non-literate as well as a bastardisation of English and its use was, therefore, considered a mark of the level of one’s proficiency in English for instance, Agheyisi (1971:30) claims that the typical users of NPE are those that have little or no formal education. However, as Akande (2008:37) has noted, the sociolinguistic reality in Nigeria today is such that Nigerian pidgin is spoken by university graduates, professors, lawyers and journalists. It has also been demonstrated that Nigerian pidgin is not used only in informal settings but also in offices and other formal settings (Akande 2008). In other words, the claim that Nigeria pidgin is the code of the non-literate, does not seem to have validity as there are a lot of educated speakers in Nigeria who can use both standard English and Nigerian pidgin proficiently e.g. Prof. Ndimele (Akande 2008).
Mafeni (1971) observes that Nigerian pidgin has become a widely spoken lingua franca in Nigeria and that many town and city dwellers are at least bilingual in Nigeria pidgin and one indigenous language. According to Faraclas (2004), Nigerian Pidgin is spoken today, by millions of people, especially the younger generation representing Nigerian pidgin speakers in Nigeria, Faraclas (2004:828) says:
Well over half of the 14 million inhabitant of Nigeria are now fluent speakers of the language, making Nigerian. Pidgin English (NPE) the most widely spoken language in Nigeria, as well as the indigenous African language with the largest number of speakers. Given the rapid spread of Nigerian pidgin English (NPE) among younger Nigerians, this proportion should increase to cover over seventy or eight percent by the time the present generation of children reaches adulthood. There is no creole language worldwide with nearly as many speakers as the Nigerian Pidgin English (NPE).
Within Nigerian society, Nigerian pidgin seems to have am ambivalent statues as some members have embraced and associated themselves with the language only by using it for interactions when the need arises. The use of Nigeria pidgin by Nigerians, however, has led to the growing statues of the code in the country Akande and Salami, Nigerian pidgin English 72. In other words, Nigerian pidgin has remained one of the languages with vitality in the society despite its unofficial recognition. Nonetheless, it has been observed that a large number of people across various sectors of the society including particularly those parents who are highly placed government officials, teachers, and students in the universities; tends to express disgust at its use by youths at home, and in school premises. This is because they see Nigerian pidgin as an inferior language meant for the semi-illiterates and low statues.
Members of the society (Agheyis: 1971). In place of Nigeria pidgin they have extolled the use of English and the three officially recognized indigenous languages (i.e. Hausa, Igbo and Yoruba) for communication.
Nigerian Pidgin in radio broadcasting has assumed a significant role in communication in Nigeria, especially between and among ethnic groups that do not share a common language. It has also acquired some state that emanates from the roles that it plays in Nigeria society. Furthermore, it could be argued that Nigerian pidgin has enhanced the propagation of national ideas, socio - cultural, linguistic and political developments as well as peace and unity in the country, since it is the only language that both the educated and the uneducated irrespective of their ethnic affinities, can identify with Akande (2008: 38) note that
There is a sense in which, Nigerian pidgin could be regarded as a marker of identity and solidarity. It is an interethnic code available to Nigerians who have no other common language.
Nigerian pidgin could therefore be seen as language that is a sense reflects national identify in Nigeria. Thus ma linguists and scholar have called repeatedly for the official recognition of Nigerian Pidgin, but such requests have been turned down (Ehugbe and Omamor 1991). Lately the government has become to recognize the vital role that Nigeria pidgin plays in helping to get closer to the masses. Radio jingles and advents, posters, stickers and government campaigns for national awareness and mutual co-existence are now prepared in Nigerian pidgin and broadcast in the same language.
2.2.3 Reaction to Nigerian Pidgin English in Nigeria
Generally speaking, language attitudes can be studied from two theoretical frameworks. The behavourist approach which focuses on the responses speakers of a language make about the social functions of the language (Fasold 1984) and the mentalist approach which considers attitudes as internal states that can be used to predict other behaviour (Ihemere 2006). In this study, we adopt the mentalist approach as many scholars have (Apel and Muysken 1987; Baker 1992; Ihemere 2006; Long 1999; Zhou (1999). As Ihemere (2006) and Fasold (1984) have noted, the mentalist framework cannot for how the mental states of users of a language can be studied directly without having to make inferences from the behaviour.
Theoretically speaking, no language is linguistically minor or major, legitimate or bastardised. People tend to perceive Nigerian pidgin as a corrupt, bastardised or lesser language (Igboanusi 2008; Mann 1996). As pointed out by Ehugbe and Omanor (1991), posit that “reactions to Nigerian Pidgin are not determined by any objective criteria (p.144)”. In spite of the fact that Nigerian pidgin is used by more than two-thirds of the total population of Nigeria today (Faraclas 2004; Igboanusi 2008) and despite its use by people from different walks of life including graduates and professionals (Akane 2008), the general attitudes of the majority of Nigerians towards Nigerian pidgin is still not encouraging concerning thus, Deuber (2005:183) says:
Although a major lingua franca, it has no official recognition; even without any policy statements; it performs a growing range of functions, including for example, that of a medium of public broadcasting, but no efforts have been made to develop it in order for it to be able to cope with these functions (except WAZOBIA FM which is promoting Nigeria Pidgin in Broadcasting), as has been done for the major and to some extent also for minor indigenous language.
Deuber (2005:183) also notes that Nigerian pidgin is the most neglected language in Nigeria since no major roles are assigned to it.
Elugbe and Omanor (1991) and Egbokhare (2003) suggest that Nigerian Pidgin English be given the status of an official or national language, while Igboamusi (2008) calls for its use as a medium of instruction in the early stage of primary school education especially for Nigerian pidgin-speaking children. One major argument in support of the adoption of Nigerian pidgin as a national language is that, Akande and Salami, Nigerian pidgin English. If it is a neutral code as it has no ethnic base. Igboanusi (2008:69) examines how Nigerian Pidgin English could be empowered in Nigerian and remarks that education is “the most important constitution through which to raise the value of Nigerian Pidgin English”. However, Igboanusi’s (2008) study shows that there is no consensus among his subjects as to whether Nigerian pidgin should be given any official or national status as some of them believe, among other things, that Nigerian Pidgin English has no economic value.

2.2.4 Pidgin as a language of Wider Communication

Language is at the center of every activity of man, and communication through language is the main activity that differentiates man from the lower animals. Communication is ubiquitous. It takes place everyday, everywhere, and every time. Communication as defined from the Linguistic point of view by Crystal (1997) is:
“The transmission and reception of information (a message) between a source and a receiver using a scientifically system. In linguistic context, a source and receiver are interpreted in human terms, the system involved is language and the notion of response to (acknowledgement) the message becomes of crucial importance.
The interesting thing that is obvious in the definition is that language and communication are intertwined and cannot be separated.
Ndimele (1999) defines communication as “a social transaction which involves getting ones ideas across. It means making oneself understood by the person to whom the piece of information is addressed”. This definition sees communication as a social action.
An improved motion of communication is that which sees it at a social affair; an interaction, a process of material or reciprocal influence between people. In the words of Charles Cooney, “Communication is the mechanism through which human relationship exist and developed”.
Communication is therefore a great relating tool that relates individuals to each other, making it possible for groups to function and for society to live harmoniously.
Gorne-Dah et al cited in Ndimele (1990), sees communication as “a complicated process of human action, reactions and interaction” Ndimele himself asserts that, “the essence of communication is to achieve behavioural charge”. In order to achieve this behavioural change those trying to effect thus change must be sensitive to the need of the people because communication is most effective when the message has reached the intended receivers.
The language of wider communication is the language that is used for communication between different groups of people, each speaking a different language. Another term used for language of communication is lingua franca; it could be an internationally used language or a language spoken natively by any other group. Its simplified structure is often a mixture of two or more language.
Talk (1978) cited in Jenewari says a lingua franca is a common language that can be used by members of a community who do not share a native language.
UNESCO defines it as a language, which is habitually used by people, whose another tongues are different in order to facilitate communication.
Perren and Holloney (1965) cited in Jenewari has this to say “…. among hundreds of language spoken in the common wealth, some have thus acquired the characteristic by becoming used as a second language”. These may be called language of wider communication.
Language of wider communication has a special status because of its political, economic and educational use. They are defined by function that is providing effective communication either within a single (other divided by a language) or by the people of different state not speaking the same another tongue. Some are use for both external and internal. That language is best which, at every single point is easiest to the greatest number of people.
Nigerian pidgin can serve political, economic and social purpose. It is no longer a makeshift language used for limited communication need. And that it serves more than a limited need is borne out by the fact that it is the only language available to some people. For instance, in barracks, most officers do not fluently speak the standardized English. This is because some of the lower cadre soldiers are not so education and the only means of communication is the Nigeria pidgin. It is used in every aspect of daily life. It is thus more than capable of expressing the needs, thoughts, opinions and decisions of the speakers irrespective of the activity involved.
Nigeria pidgin is used in places of extreme multilingualism, in places where there are many languages, e.g. in Edo, Rivers, Bayelsa, and Deltta States. It is also found in market places; government organizations are not left out because Nigeria pidgin is used everyday even in their official duties. Furthermore it plays a part in political campaigns; Nigerian pidgin was used for propaganda purposes during the civil war.
Currently, Nigerian pidgin enjoys widespread use in the media industry, newspaper column, television comedy series and advertisement. As a spoken medium, it is serves as a vehicle for music, songs, folktales, the ease with which it rises to meet the need of its speaker is amazing, it acts as a means of instruction in some schools, and has became the most commonly used language in educational environment.
The various area in which Nigeria pidgin has been utilized, I strongly suggest that no subject should be considered as been beyond the scope of Nigerian pidgin. In effect, it leaves one in no doubt that Nigerian pidgin is indeed a language of wider communication.  

2.2.5 Works which Support the Use of Pidgin

Though some may argue that pidgin should be considered as an indigenous language, Ilugbe (1995: 0287) affirms that Nigerian Pidgin has not yet been officially recognized as a local language of Nigeria, though it can be used in teaching many Nigerians where many local languages would have been Nigerian Pidgin is used “as an unofficial medium of instruction at the primary level in some urban schools?
  Even educationists on Nigerian Pidgin like Prof. Kafewo (Para 7) states that employing pidgin in drama facilitates understanding and ensures the messages get to the grassroots level.
Pidgin as the most commonly used language could be harnessed to pass across developmental message in the nation (Malam Umaisha, Para 8).
Nigerian Pidgin is also seen to have the same status as our indigenous languages and could be used to replace them where needed.

2.2.6 Works which do not support the use of Pidgin

Certainly, there are particular scholars/authors who concede that pidgin leads to illiteracy and the substandard use of Pidgin, as Huber (1995:228) states-that educationists reactions to pidgin being used by students in secondary schools and University are quite violent at times: “the indiscriminate use of pidgin is leading the nation towards illiteracy (Egblewogbe 1992:1). Also Ihemere (2007) states- In particular, the grandparents complained that the younger generation of Ikwerre people is losing ability to speak Ikwerre language because they spend all their time talking in Nigerian Pidgin, writing on the case of Ikwerre in Port Harcourt City.
He is of the opinion that pidgin has an effect, not only on spoken English, but on the indigenous languages of communities. Also, in a this day newspaper article titled ‘putting a leash on Pidgin’. Adirika Adaolisa writes: Pidgin English is a simplified form of English inter mixed with any jargon. The history of pidgin in Nigeria can be traced to the colonial days when Nigerians were learning to speak the Queen’s English. Our forefathers experienced difficulties and so adopted their own style of speaking English, which was a corrupted form of English infused with slang.
The use of pidgin is at its peak in the old Bendel and Niger-Delta region of Nigeria. Nigeria lingua Franca (a language which all Nigerians can relate with), English Language has suffered certain disabilities as the language of colonialism. Since pidgin has been able to bridge the communication gap between the educated and uneducated who cannot speak English, it’s acceptance and common use continues to rise fast.
Pidgin has no rules, no lexis and structure. It is flexible and very easy to speak. Its case is made more so because while speaking it, anything goes. No wonder it is widely spoken by the market women, pupils, students, peer groups and others. Many who speak the language say that it makes communication more colorful. Now it is very common to see even presenters on Nigeria TV station flowing in pidgin. Gone are the days when those who speak pidgin were called illiterates and uncivilized people, as most of our music today delivered in free-flowing pidgin. Artistes like the late Afro beat icon, Fela Anikulapo Kuti, 2cace Idibia, D’banj, Faze and many more are in the trend of pidgin.
The rate of acceptance of pidgin in Nigeria has unofficially make it our lingua franca. It is discovering to see many Nigerian University graduates how cannot get a simple sentence right in English Language. This is due to the frequent usage of Nigerian Pidgin within and outside the University Campus. The Nigerian Pidgin has no official status whatsoever. It is a debased version of English, which makes it’s possible role in national development unrecognized.
Youths who are the future of a country cannot excel if they make pleasure in dinging to a corrupted form of expression. Whole the gains of unofficial communication within peer groups cannot be legislated against, there is a need to rain the wild dog of ‘Pidgin’, which has infiltrated the academic environment and the nation as a whole.
Grimshaw (1971), traces the origin of negative attitude to use of pidgin. According to him, the United Nations, at a time, demanded that Pidgin be abolished. The reasons for this demand were based on the fact that Pidgin depicted social subordination of the natives; thus it marked employer /subordinate relationship. Also it was felt that it was not a language but a corruption of English and so could not be used to move its speakers into modern civilization.

2.2.7 Works which neither Support nor Condemn the use of Pidgin
Some of these works from scholars like: Quirk et al, acknowledge that unlike the Creole, pidgin is used to replace the native language in a micro-speech community. This implies that pidgins are restricted to a few practical issues or events. Holmes (2001) also agrees that pidgins are spoken more for an affective than referential purpose.
Hudson (1990:62) confirms: Each pidgin is of course specially constructed to suit the need of its users. Which means that it has to have the terminology and constructions needed in whatever kinds of context.  Decamp (1987:175) states that, the use of pidgin eliminates the need for translators, and it ensures that communication is rapid. Since it is assumed that everyone in a region can quickly learn pidgin for basic communication, as pidgin has no grammatical rules.

2.2.8 The Etymology of Pidgin

There are several arguments surrounding the etymology of Pidgin..
Chinese corruption of the word business. As the word is used to any action  or occupation, it should not be surprising that it be used for a language variety which arose for trading purposes.
Edwards (1994) first traced the word to Portuguese “Ocupacao” which means “business” or “pequeno” “babytalk” or simply “baby”. He said the word could as well be linked to the Amerindian “pidian” which means “people”. He reported that some scholars claim that the word originated from Hebrew “Pidgin” or “pigeon” which means “barter” or “a bird”, respectively. Hence, from the foregoing varying conceptual opinions, Edwards deduced this definition of a pidgin as: “a baby-like and rather superficial repetitions associated with trade communication (p. 42). Holmes refutes the assertion that pidgin is a baby talk. He emphasizes that “pidgins and Creoles are real languages not baby talk. They are used for serious purposes” (p.81).

A form from the south American language, Yayo- ‘pidgin’ meaning ‘people’ (Kleinecke, 1959). This form occurs in tribal names like ‘Tarapidian’ etc.  This claim rests on a single occurrence of the world ‘pidians in a text from 1606.  
It is from the Hebrew word “pidgeon”. Which means “bartes” or “a bird”. This suggestion is phonetically and somatically plausible and hinges on the distribution of a Jewish word outside of Europe and it’s acceptance as a general term for a trade language.
Among all these, however, it appears to me that the most widely believed is the first which states that the word ‘Pidgin’ originates from a Chinese Pidgin English pronunciation of ‘business’. The evolution of a Pidgin usually requires:
Prolonged, regular contact between the different language communities.
A need to communicate between these different language communities.
An absence of a widespread, accessible inter-language.
The Nigeria Pidgin has not yet taken the place of other languages. The indigenous languages of various citizens are still used by Nigerians, both home and abroad, and may never be replaced by a pidgin although the pidgin seems to have replaced indigenous languages in warri and Port Harcourt.
Not all pidgins, however, become Creole languages.

2.2.9 Definition of Pidgin

Pidgin has been defined differently by various scholars and linguists  based on their direction of researches. Below are some of the definitions; Decamp (1987:175) describes pidgin as an incidental communicative language within a multilingual setting which “is the native language of nobody”.  Its vocabulary according to Decamp, is donated by the socio-politically dominant language “in the original contact situation”, most especially, with the European imperialists. Pidgin is therefore an amalgam of the main, foreign or superstrate language and the indigenous or substrate language.  Stockwell (2002) observes that because of the overwhelming colonial expansion of the British imperial power, “around a quarter of all pidgins and Creoles have English as element” (p.18). Todd (1974:1) Pidgin is a marginal language which arises to fulfill certain restricted communication need among people who have no common language.  Bloom field (1933: 464) states that, Pidgin is characterized by being simple and easy to understand, as it further states “Pidgin is a variety whose grammar and vocabulary are very much reduced in which the resultant language must be native to no one”.  Quirk et. al. acknowledge that unlike the Creole, pidgin is used to replace the native language in a micro-speech community. This implies that pidgins are restricted to a few practical issues or events. Holmes also agrees that pidgins are spoken more for an affective than referential purpose. Pidgins are of considerable interest to sociolinguist because of the influence which the society exerts on their forms and functions. Hudson (1990:62) confirms: The simplicity and resilience of pidgin are always perceived differently by people. The positivists (e.g. Akinnaso, 1989; Adegbija, 1994) see these qualities as an asset and a boost to easy acquisition of the language. On the other hand, others (e.g. Brann, 1985; Elugbe, 1995) view the language contemptuously and describe it as a debased form of language. Decamp (1971), Hymes (1971) and Hudson (1990) give a synopsis of the characteristics of pidgins as follows:
Elimination of grammatical devices like inflections, plural possessive and tenses.
ii.           The use of reduplication as intensifier.
Ability of a word to have semantic extension i.e. expanded meanings.
According to (oxford African Encyclopedia for schools and colleges) Pidgin is ‘a language often used when groups of people who speak different language meet for trade.

2.2.10 What is Creole

Todd (1974) states that, the term Creole is applied to a wide range of languages including the original language which usually arises when speakers of one language become economically or politically dominant over speakers of another language. 
Also, Todd and Decamp (1974/1987,) in their books says “Creole is pidgin that has developed in complexity over time and has become the native language of a group of speakers.
Researchers further explains that Creole is also a simplified or modified form of the dominant groups language (Pidgin) used for communication between two groups whereby one of the groups eventually becomes the native speakers of the language over the less-powerful community.
Meaning, a Creole is more developed and can become a mother tongue.

2.5 DISTINCTION BETWEEN CREOLE AND PIDGIN
According to Decamp and Todd (1987 and 1974). Says, a Creole language is a stable, full-fledged language that originated from a pidgin or a combination of other languages. While, Pidgin is a language made up of elements of two or more other language and used for easy contacts especially trading contact, between speakers of other languages. Todd cites Chaudenson (1992 p. 21) argues that Creoles develop by basilectalizing away from the lexifier, i.e. acquiring a basilect, which is the variety, the most different from the acrolect, the educated variety of the lexifier. While Pidgin really have any kind of tense or aspect markers whatsoever and once again rely on contextual dues to mark such meanings. Decamp (1987/1971) states that, Creole make heavy use of word order to mark the relations between elements of a sentence and not ease suffixes whole pidgins tend to have fairly free world order and rely on the contextual situation to sort out the relationships between word.  In the course of the research, these complexities are necessary for human communication between native speakers, which happens in very similar ways as pidgins become creoles around the world.